Journal of Global Social Work Practice, Volume 2, Number 1, May/June 2009
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Challenges to Providing Tsunami Disaster Relief In 2004, a tsunami ravaged communities along the southern coast of India and left nearly a million people struggling for survival. Using Social Ecology and the Conservation of Resources theories as a foundation, a qualitative study with ten emergency responders who provided assistance in Tamil Nadu identified four key challenges in the provision of disaster relief. The challenges, which highlight both universal and culture-specific aspects, include: (1) distrust of non-Hindu groups, (2) coordination of relief among NGOs, (3) lack of resources for sustainability, and (4) caste and gender discrimination. Implications for practice, policy, and future research are discussed. Keywords: Disaster relief, natural disasters, disaster recovery Contents
Introduction In 2004, the Indian Ocean Tsunami hit the southern coast of India, leaving in its wake at least 8,010 people dead, 126,182 families homeless, and several thousand people injured. In total, 984,564 people living in Tamil Nadu, India struggled to repair devastated lives (World Bank, 2005). While India is familiar with natural disasters, the magnitude of the tsunami was unlike any disaster people from this region had previously experienced in over 200 years (The Hindu, 2005). In India, the coastal fishing communities, such as in Tamil Nadu, were hardest hit. Among the self-sufficient communities, limited assets available prior to the disaster (e.g., fishing boats, schools, housing) were destroyed. In addition, poor quality roads and a poorly developed basic infrastructure restricted access to these areas, causing an uneven distribution of relief supplies which resulted in resentment and frustration among survivors (Davidson, 2006). Given that the death tolls were measured in thousands and the survivors experienced multiple intense stressors such as bereavement, threat to life, extensive property damage, financial loss, and displacement, the outcomes of the disaster are likely to be extremely adverse for a long time. As residents of Tamil Nadu struggled to understand what happened and to put their lives back together, responders were faced with multiple challenges as they attempted to provide much needed relief services. This paper presents some of the unique challenges to providing immediate post-disaster relief after the tsunami in South India as experienced by local responders in Tamil Nadu. The investigation sought to expand understanding of the key aspects of the cultural context that shaped relief efforts aimed at enhancing individual and community recovery in towns and villages in the Nagapattinam District along the southeast coast of India. Major disasters create widespread individual, family, and community disruption, trauma and loss (Walsh, 2006). In the devastating aftermath of disasters we often find that the most vulnerable are not only the most impacted, but also the most neglected (Norris & Alegria, 2006). Disadvantaged communities are more likely to experience long-term deterioration and have less access to relief services (Siporin, 1987) with vulnerability grounded in economic status, discrimination, and mental state (Parasuraman & Acharya, 2000). Building resilience following disaster Facilitating recovery and healing generally requires immediate intervention that improves the quality of survivors' recovery environments (Orner, Kent, Pfefferbaum, Raphael, & Watson, 2006); and supports ongoing adaptive coping (Ruzek, 2006). Natural disasters disrupt family systems and livelihoods, as well as communal structures and services, and can cause community fragmentation and destabilization (Landau & Saul, 2004). In the chaotic aftermath of a tsunami, survivors and their communities need to return to some semblance of normalcy that was present prior to the disaster (Orner et al., 2006). Numerous studies emphasize the significance of social resources in promoting coping and resilience (Hobfoll, 1998; Kaniasty & Norris, 2004). Furthermore, post-disaster recovery processes can become opportunities for individual and community development through revitalization of the local economy and enhancement of family livelihoods (Nakagawa & Shaw, 2004). Landau and Saul (2004) emphasize four essential components central to the recovery process and community resilience: (1) building community and enhancing social connectedness as a foundation for recovery; (2) collective storytelling and validation of the trauma experience and response; (3) reestablishing the rhythms and routines of life and engaging in collective healing rituals; (4) arriving at a positive vision of the future with renewed hope. Each of these four aspects of resilience is grounded within a cultural context. Cultural context of relief and recovery When conceptualizing recovery, cross-cultural researchers stress the importance of incorporating both universal and culture-specific aspects (Moore & Constantine, 2005; Wong & Wong, 2006). The disaster services literature emphasizes the value of emergency response personnel who are knowledgeable about local authorities, cultural customs and norms, and methods for strengthening and maintaining natural supports (Klingman, 1992). Landau and Saul (2004) discuss consideration of the larger societal context when addressing large-scale disasters. Relief service providers need to be particularly sensitive to ecological and systemic factors impacting survivors and, based upon the cultural context, possibly provide non-traditional resources and services (Kurpius & Rozecki, 1992; Muzekari, Lonigan, Bond, & Hiers, 1991). The context of disaster relief in India involves close-knit communities that are often structured around a common occupation. For example, the fisherfolk (i.e., people whose livelihoods depend on the fishing industry) will live together in a community. Marriage is considered an economic arrangement between two families of the same caste and there is generally very little diversity in the family structure with husbands as the heads of households (Laungani, 2004). Women in the community form closely-knit networks for mutual support. In many of the communities there is a strong presence of Hindu teachings that require Hindus to perform certain rituals and to behave according to moral norms related to oneself, one's family, and society (Parish, 1994). Both religion and caste define, to some degree, the class level of an individual and their family. The proximity of certain types of service(s) providers to geographical settings that are deemed sacred for particular religious groups influence their acceptability to local residents and community leaders. Theoretical and conceptual foundations Two theoretical frameworks support this study: the conservation of resources model and the social ecology theory. Both frameworks emphasize the importance of resources. The conservation of resources (COR) model (Hobfoll, 1998) posits that the promotion of well being is dependent on the availability and effective management of resources, which are embedded within an ecological context. According to COR theory, stress occurs when valued resources are threatened or lost. For example, the loss of housing, safety, social networks, and money may be the result of a disaster. The loss of resources may be experienced not only by the individual or family, but by members of entire communities (Norris, Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, & Pfefferbaum, 2008). Within the disaster context, a sharing and exchange of resources occurs at multiple levels, including the individual, the social context, and the environment (Hobfoll & Jackson, 1991). Based upon this theory, community interventions provided in response to the devastation of the tsunami must target resources with sufficient strength to change the current dynamics of trauma and support recovery. To do so, requires an understanding of the extent to which the social infrastructure of any particular community or locale has been damaged (Ajdukovic & Ajdukovic, 2003). For example, in many of the hardest hit communities the infrastructure was destroyed, thereby requiring relocation of residents before any systematic psychosocial assistance could be provided. In some situations, there may be a continuing threat that requires repeated relocations, which results in a disruption of the positive impact of resources provided (de Jong & Kleber, 2003). The amount of devastation and the cultural context of the community will shape the manner in which disaster services are provided (Orner, et al., 2006). In addition, social ecology theory specifically considers the issue of unequal access to resources in disaster. Accessibility of resources designed to meet immediate basic needs, as well as sustainable resources that promote on-going independence, is essential to resilience. Social ecology theory posits that discrimination based on ethnicity, color, income, or other demographic characteristics, is segregated within societies (Boal, 1996). For example, the caste system in India classifies and segregates its citizens in relation to jobs, education, and various other political aspects. Within Indian culture, the most marginalized group is the Dalit. The Dalit, referred to by some as "untouchables," are typically assigned to work in jobs perceived as unhealthy or disgusting. They live separately from other social classes and, historically, have suffered from both extreme poverty and social restrictions. Numerous studies have found that marginalized groups fare worse in the aftermath of disasters than those in majority groups (Norris & Alegria, 2006). Groups that live in poverty, are subject to discrimination, or who are socially marginalized are at greater risk for health disparities due to the interplay between resource availability and relative risk. In contrast, individuals with greater resources and higher social status (e.g., in a higher caste) are more likely to be able to reduce their exposure to health risks and obtain needed support. For example, Chen, Keith, Airriess, Li, and Leong (2007) studied Black survivors of Hurricane Katrina living in eastern New Orleans. They found that a higher level of perceived racial discrimination during the hurricane, along with an increased financial strain in the aftermath of the disaster was associated with more severe posttraumatic stress symptoms and an increase in the overall mental health concerns or problems. Based on these two theories, marginalized groups, such as the Dalit, are likely to be extremely vulnerable during disasters due to the cultural barriers that affect access to resources. Thus, the Dalit are at greater risk for death, serious injury, and loss of property and livelihood. Focus of the study This study responds to the need to more fully understand coping within multicultural contexts, as well as the barriers to providing assistance to facilitate recovery of communities ravaged by the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. The overarching aim of this study was to expand knowledge of the influence of culture on provision of effective disaster relief services. Specifically, we sought to understand the culturally based challenges to providing disaster relief services to tsunami survivors as they struggled with the physical destruction of their communities and the psychosocial effects of the disaster. Using qualitative methods, we asked emergency relief service providers what challenges they faced as they helped survivors to cope with the aftermath of the tsunami. Sampling and procedures Ten individuals who provided emergency relief in the Nagapattinam District of Tamil Nadu participated in the study. All respondents were recruited by the director of the South Asia People's Initiative - a nongovernmental organization (NGO) that was established at the time of the Tsunami and continues work in sustainable development. Non-probability, purposive sampling was used to select participants who represented a broad range of professions, including business, education, medicine, social work, and clergy; none of them were emergency responders as their primary profession. In order to participate in the study, the participant was required to have provided relief work following the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. Although the ability to speak English was desirable, it was not required. Only one participant relied upon an interpreter who was provided by the South Asia People's Initiative. All participants were Indian. Although qualitative data were collected through interviews with ten responders, eight of those interviews were selected to be analyzed based upon completeness of the interview and the quality of the audiotape. Because the interpretive analysis is very labor intensive, typically a small sample of interviews is used for this type of analysis. Table 1 provides a brief description of the sample. It is noteworthy that all of the participants were in the tsunami-affected area during the time of the tsunami. As is often the case, they were survivors themselves in addition to being responders. All participants in the study have continued to work with tsunami survivors, either through new jobs with relief agencies or in their previous jobs such as teachers or physicians. Table 1. Sample Description
Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted on January 9-13, 2006, approximately one year after the Tsunami. Each participant was interviewed individually and all of the interviews took place at their workplaces. Ten American graduate social work students who were participating in a social work study abroad immersion program were trained in the interview protocol and completed the Human Participants Protection Education for Research Teams online course sponsored by the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Working in teams of two, the students conducted the interviews during a one week period. The questions were asked in an open-ended format and the interviewers were encouraged and trained to ask pre-selected probes in order to allow participants to elaborate on their answers. All but one participant agreed to tape their interviews. Study procedures to protect the participants were approved by the Institutional Review Board at Boston College. Data analysis The student interviewers transcribed the interviews. Transcriptions were then read by the three co-authors and four graduate students working in teams that consisted of at least one of the co-authors and two students. The Listening Guide (Gilligan, Spencer, Weinberg, & Bertsch, 2003) was used as the qualitative method for an interpretive analysis of each responder's experience. Students were trained to follow the four steps described by Gilligan et al., after which different colored pencils were used to underline the significant content of each reading of the transcript. The four steps are as follows: Step 1: Listening for the plot. The first reading consisted of two parts: (a) listening for the plot and (b) the listener's response to the interview. During this step, the listener wrote down the story of the emergency responder, noting repeated images and metaphors, dominant themes, and the social context within which the story was experienced. In addition, each reader attended to his or her own responses to the narrative, bringing their own subjective views into the process of interpretation. Step 2: I poems. The purpose of this step was to listen to the participant's first-person voice-to pick up on its rhythmic flow or pattern and, second, to hear how this person spoke about him or herself. Each reader constructed the I poems by underlining every first person "I" within the passage, along with the verb and any other important accompanying words, while maintaining the sequence in which these phrases appeared in the text. At times the I poem might capture something not stated directly, but that is nonetheless central to the meaning of what was being said (Gilligan et al., 2003). Step 3: Listening for contrapuntal voices. This step brought the analysis back into relationship with the research question. Each reader reviewed the transcript again and identified themes and strands in the interview that related to the research questions: What were the challenges faced by the emergency responders as they attempted to deliver relief to the Indian survivors of the tsunami? Step 4: Composing an analysis. The final step involved checking researchers' individual interpretations for reliability and composing a summary that reflected a consensus among those interpretations regarding the barriers to relief efforts. The Listening Guide was chosen as the approach to the analysis because it facilitated an exploratory examination of the emergency responders' experiences in their own voices. That is, English was not the primary language for the participants and this type of analysis allowed for the researchers to interpret what was being said, even when participants might not always have the breadth of the English vocabulary to express themselves. In addition, this methodology is based on relational psychology that assumes the self develops in relationships with others (Gilligan et al., 2003). This method is reflective of the communal culture in India, which emphasizes development in relation to others. The stepwise method is sensitive to the risk of imposing subjective, Western perspectives onto their experiences. The clarity of the steps of the Listening Guide enhanced the reliability and integrity of the method. Responders were asked the following questions: What was the greatest challenge for you in working with the survivors? Has this changed over the past year? With these questions, an attempt was made by the researchers to get a sense of the obstacles to relief work that were most salient to the responders. The researchers were not necessarily interested in an exhaustive list of challenges or obstacles. Some of the challenges that were mentioned could perhaps occur universally across cultures. However, some were more specific to the cultural context of South India. Several themes were repeated throughout the interviews: (1) distrust of non-Hindu groups, (2) coordination of resources among NGOs, (3) lack of resources for sustainability, and (4) caste and gender discrimination. Quotes indicated below are cited by fictitious names to protect participants' confidentiality. Distrust of non-Hindu groups While one would hope that surviving a natural disaster would transcend religious and ethnic differences, some communities would not allow workers from Christian organizations to provide goods and services to the people. The Hindu fundamentalists and communist political party claimed that the rescue workers were trying to convert the people. Some of the fundamentalists went to the extent of publishing rumors about conversion in the local papers. While anti-conversion laws that once existed in these communities have been abolished, there is still a belief among the Hindu fundamentalists that Christian organizations have no place serving Hindus: Hindu religious groups came, and they were saying some lies for the people. We were visiting those people, and these groups came and shouted at us: 'Don't enter this territory. You sisters you have come to convert the people. Get away from this place... We have occupied these people. And you religious sisters...you have come here to convert the people only.' That was a big challenge for me... We have not come here to convert the people, just to console. Just to help them only. But they are shouting at me, they are scolding me, they are taking photos, and they published in the paper, that my name also with the figure it came, with the photo it came, as though I have come to convert the people. So I was forbidden by this group to enter this territory. But we were not frightened also. I took the teachers, and children, sisters, we all went, every day we went and visited the people. And people all said, you know, sisters are our sisters. They're here to help us only, like that, they defended us. And slowly people could understand us and they all know that since hundred years we are here. (Suanny) This respondent was amazed that the Hindu fundamentalists would make the claim that the people belonged to them, even though Christian missionaries had been present in this area since the early 1700s. The first Catholic Church was built in Tamil Nadu in the mid-1800s; a convent and several schools have been in existence since the early 1900s. As indicated below, a Jesuit-sponsored program that was established for tsunami relief purposefully secularized its name so there would be no Christian identification that would lead to conflict: . . . we had in mind right from the beginning after we assessed the situation that the sort of fundamentalist, communism is prevalent in this area. Right from the beginning we decided to be secular in our approach...so even in our name we said let us not use the name 'Jesuit'. (Alok) Christian emergency responders were not the only responders to face resistance to accepting help. A respondent from a secular NGO expressed similar frustration and indicated that Muslim communities were accepting help only from other Muslims and Hindus were only accepting help from Hindus. Coordination of resources among NGOs Another obstacle that was mentioned by the respondents was the ineffective coordination among the nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This is certainly a challenge for any country trying to mobilize disaster relief in a very short period of time with a large number of survivors. Multiple concerns emerged in relation to ineffective coordination of NGOs providing resources in their geographic locale. One problem that stemmed from the challenge of coordinating resources involved the duplication of services. Promotion of community resilience requires conducting thorough needs assessments of impacted communities (Speier, 2006). However, assessments of community needs were lacking in this situation. As a result, those in greatest need (e.g., the lowest caste) were given very little while those in other villages received much more of the resources needed for survival. More effective coordination among the NGOs would have helped to avoid these injustices: There were many NGOs coming and staying without knowing the community. Giving, dumping, duplicating some work was a very big problem for us. . . . In certain villages, people still need some crafts and gear to go for fishing. But in certain villages, they are over-abundant and more than it is necessary. So proper identifying the relief or rehabilitation what they need, without identifying, coming and giving, that has created a lot of problem. (Sue) Another concern related to coordination of resources was promotion of dependency by some NGOs. In particular, a respondent stated that several organizations were giving the survivors money while his organization was providing micro-credit loans to help people restart their businesses or start new businesses. The goal of the micro-credit program was to teach them to invest and save their money as a means to empower survivors and create independence. However, the residents did not want the loans, which they had to repay, when they could receive money with no repayment requirement. The respondent's comments below indicate his perception that his program's efforts to provide sustainable relief were being undermined by the other NGOs: First, we make the micro-credit scheme. All the other NGOs, I don't blame the other NGOs, but at first, they are giving money for free to the people. If I give 5 rupees and I will go spend it. But if I give 5 rupees and tell them they have to repay, then I go and invest the 5 rupees and I will repay. All the NGOs are giving free money and people are spending it, not investing it. They ask why NGOs are giving free money and I am giving only a small amount of money and then asking repayment. That is what they are asking. They say, I don't want your money. (Chandra) A final aspect of coordination of resources was the relationship between the NGOs and the governmental bureaucracy. As one respondent explained, each organization was given orders to work with certain groups or provide certain services. He felt that this was constraining to NGOs and that some people "fell through the cracks": Every government body has got a framework. The same thing with the NGO's they've got a framework. ... say I am working in the case of trauma care with child and women, I will receive the funds only for that. So I'll be restricting my work only to that area. I cannot go beyond. ...if I am only dealing with the children if you not have a child from the age of 0-17, then I don't dare extend my service to you, and I go to the next family. That creates social injustice. ... And just because you did not get assistance from that particular NGO you cannot show your anger or grudge against me because I am an outsider. You started retaliating and just keeping aloof from your neighbor. So these are injustices. But this has not been done willfully. Is all done because of the constraints on the NGOs. (Gokul) One respondent stated that when his NGO was initially assessing the needs of the survivors, they made a serious attempt at not duplicating services: If we come to know that one village is getting enough support materials and so on, we would quietly leave the village and move to another village. We would never compete with another NGO. When we are rendering services to a village and other NGOs are there, and they are doing wonderful work, we would leave the village quietly and move to other villages neglected by NGOs. As a policy right from the beginning we were following it. (Alok) Resources for sustainability of individuals and communities A challenge that was frequently mentioned by the respondents was trying to provide relief in a way that would be sustainable and not create dependence on the organizations to take care of the survivors. This was a challenge that was not as prevalent during the rescue phase of response to the tsunami, but developed over time. Most of the organizations initially provided rice, water, and other necessities. But at some point they felt that they needed to quit giving the people handouts and empower the people to take care of themselves. As this respondent explains, the challenge was finding ways to help the survivors develop livelihoods consistent with the culture and region that would sustain them over time. This respondent was providing resources to a Dalit village whose daily lives revolved around their livelihood as fisherfolk. I knew that something needed to be done. They told me to go and find what is needed to be done. I had an idea that I should concentrate on livelihood because that is only going to help them to stand on their own whereas I was not interested in giving immediate relief-like rations because that's only going to be temporary relief whereas you can help in their livelihood like boats, nets, engines, catamarans, so that will help them to stand on their own. So that's the basic idea I wanted. (Ram) Caste discrimination Although the caste system looms as an overarching structure that organizes Indian society, only one respondent mentioned caste as a specific barrier to relief work. This was in the context of his organization conducting a needs assessment of the villages. He found that the trucks were stopping at the borders of the Dalit (lowest caste) villages and refusing to deliver food and supplies to those residents. This discrimination prevented equitable distribution of resources to all survivors. The director of one disaster relief NGO described several ways that this type of discrimination was a barrier to their relief efforts: With regard to caste problem...so soon after our entry here, our group made an assessment, and it found out that caste discrimination was very strong in this area. Even in relief operation. Soon after tsunami, people had to abandon their houses, run away for life. . . . as a whole village they were running towards some wedding halls or schools, and they were housed in those places. . . . But one day passed, two days, then the owner of these common buildings, they came to know who's from the fishing community and who are all from Dalit community. And he said, 'No Dalits should stay here. Get lost. Get away.' They are not allowed to stay in common places. Then they were resisting. So as a result of that, a few Dalits were beaten. Then this was brought to our notice, so our group had to go there and threaten them, that they would file a case against them and so on... ...Then, during that first one month, when our group would take relief materials in a truck they would go in the same road. Instead of turning right, the fishing community village, if they turned towards left, towards Dalit villages, our vehicles would be stopped. They used to stop our vehicle. 'Why the hell should you go there? They are not affected so much.' True, the destruction is not so strong there, but now since water has entered into all these fields, they can't go for work, and they can't earn their bread. So they need help. They have lost their livelihood. So we need to provide some help or other. But these people wouldn't listen.. . . But in quite many places, when the government and NGOs, when they put up temporary shelters, they set it up exactly in the village type. One place for the so-called high caste people, and a separate place for Dalits. So that sort of discrimination you can find anywhere. (Alok) Gender discrimination The final identified challenge to provision of disaster relief was the lack of equality among women. Women in India, particularly those who become primary providers for themselves, their children, and/or disabled spouses, must accept low wages due to a lack of choice in work. Some women are even forced into relationships in order to negotiate employment (Parasuraman & Acharya, 2000). Widowed or abandoned women are a particularly vulnerable group. These women are considered inauspicious and unholy and are treated as outcasts from society (Nabar, 1995). They are denied participation in rituals, festivals, and other social events. Again, these attitudes and discrimination affected the women's ability to get the resources that they needed to provide for their families. One of the NGOs identified 1700 widowed or abandoned women and assessed that they needed more than immediate relief. So they established a micro-credit loan program and self-help groups for the women to start small businesses (Alok). One respondent worked for an NGO that primarily focused on women's development through increasing their earning power, educating them, and providing skills training. Once the women were able to support themselves and their families, they were taught how to advocate for themselves on a political level: So the first challenge means only we have to put them in the process of earning. Second, we have to make them get equal rights. . . . we have a self-help group giving them leadership trainings and getting the political knowledge. Next year we are going to have an election and put a woman to be the leader of the village. (Shachi) This study sought to explore challenges to providing disaster relief within Indian culture. To do so, the authors talked with disaster responders serving the communities along the southeast coast of India after the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. They identified four dominant barriers to the provision of relief services. Three of the barriers appear to be universal with a cultural overlay and one barrier seems to be purely culture-specific. The universal barriers encountered were group discrimination in receipt of services, coordination among NGOs, and limited resources aimed at sustainability. The culture-specific barrier identified was distrust of non-Hindu groups. Discrimination Consistent with social ecology theory, local governmental allocation of relief among social classes in India varies based upon a belief that lower social classes are less deserving than higher level castes. However, not only was the initial allocation of relief less for the Dalit group, local relief service providers refused to enter Dalit villages in order to deliver the limited food and supplies targeted for this population due to their status as "untouchables". Refusal on the part of local service providers to enter the Dalit community highlights the power of culture (e.g., caste) and related discrimination in provision of resources. The Dalit live in impoverished communities with limited access to resources at any given time. In the aftermath of disaster, cultural beliefs that contribute to social isolation further exacerbate the effects of resource loss. The long-term impact of this gap in resources can have serious repercussions for many years to come (Hobfoll, 1998). Also consistent with social ecology theory was the discriminatory barrier experienced by women. In rural India, gender discrimination is a reality of the culture. For example, widowhood is a form of vulnerability due to the attitudes and norms that place unmarried and widowed women in precarious positions. Social and economic values attached to gender are expressed more prominently in the aftermath of disaster. Women who have lost all adult male family members become dependent on others. Women who lose children and/or spouses also lose social position and must acquire work in order to support themselves (Parasuraman & Acharya, 2000). Coordination of equitable distribution of resources is clearly hampered in India by its cultural values and traditions. Coordination of resource delivery among NGOs The importance of an organized, in-depth approach to disaster recovery, based upon a thorough community needs assessment, has been previously discussed (Benight, 2004; Norris & Alegria, 2006; Orner, et al., 2006). The lack of thorough assessment and carefully coordinated service delivery by NGOs in Tamil Nadu led to ineffective and unequal provision of resources with some villages receiving an over-abundance of supplies and resources that would support sustainability and others receiving insufficient levels of support. The lack of a coordinated delivery of services also created a dynamic that supported dependency rather than empowerment and independence. An organized, planned approach to community recovery includes a phased approach (Orner, et al., 2006). During the initial response phase there is a focus on meeting basic needs, which may take the form of money, supplies, or health care. In simplified terms, after basic needs have been met, the focus of disaster recovery is on building capacity, promoting empowerment, and increasing independence. The ineffective coordination of services in Tamil Nadu led to a situation in which some agencies provided money freely and others supported an expectation of repayment through a micro-credit program. As a result, residents opted for "free" money, a resource that promotes dependency. Ideally, a planned, organized disaster response includes government policy that promotes empowerment and independence for everyone. However, in Tamil Nadu the government stipulated that individual NGOs were allowed to provide only particular types of support to specified populations. Constraining NGOs' services provision in this way further contributed to many individuals and families having unmet needs based upon some type of status or category. Lack of resources for sustainability The recovery phase of post-disaster response is focused on restoring livelihoods and creating conditions for future development (UNDP Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery, 2007). After initial provision of food, water, and other necessities, some organizations struggled to develop methods of relief that would sustain the community and promote a return to independence. In South India, communities are often structured around a common occupation. For example, the fisherfolk live together in one village (Laungani, 2004). Provision of resources supporting sustainable income is essential to promotion of resilience (Handmer & Choong, 2006). In the coastal villages, survival is based on fishing. Therefore, such provision came in the form of boats, nets, and engines, as well as various types of skills-based training. However, many of the people of the Dalit villages depended on farming for their livelihood. Since the fields had been salinated during the tsunami, the villagers could not return to farming as their livelihood. Their situation was more desperate than the fisherfolk in that they had to find alternative occupations within a discriminatory social context. Provision of culturally appropriate resources for sustainability requires community-specific knowledge of how groups maintain their livelihood, their current needs, and the available resources. Distrust of non-Hindu groups Organizations from outside the mainstream culture are often a resource in the aftermath of disasters. Participants in this study identified distrust of Christian responders among Hindu fundamentalists and Communist political party members who reportedly assumed that responders sought to promote religious conversion rather than disaster relief. Christian responders were warned to stay away and news articles published rumors of their intent to convert villagers. One Jesuit-sponsored program specifically chose a secular name for their organization in order to bypass this barrier to provision of relief services. These findings highlight the centrality of cultural interpretation of intervention. While strong communal bonds can aid in a community's resilience, they can also become challenges to emergency responders when they foster an intolerance of outsiders. Knowledge and engagement of community stakeholder groups impacted by the disaster is critical as a pathway to effective provision of needed relief (Orner et al, 2006). Education, particularly for faith-based groups, regarding work with the complex nuances related to religion would seem essential to effective provision of relief services. Implications for Practice, Policy, Research, and Education Incomprehensible disasters such as the 2004 South Indian Tsunami and Hurricane Katrina have fueled efforts to improve disaster readiness and response. Legislative policies, such as the Disaster Mitigation Act of 2000, emphasize the importance of proactive mitigation and all-hazards plans to promote community resilience. It is believed that communities impacted by disasters have the potential for successful adaptation as defined by "high and non-disparate levels of mental and behavioral health, functioning and quality of life" (Norris, Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, & Pfefferbaum, 2008, p. 127). Norris and colleagues (2008) propose that community resilience after disaster emerges via four central networked adaptive capacities: economic development, social capital, information and communication, and community competence. They posit that, together, these adaptive capacities offer a universal strategy for disaster readiness. As a foundation, Norris and colleagues (2008) describe five critical components to increase community resilience: (1) development of economic resources with a reduction of risk and resource inequities, attending to areas with the greatest social vulnerability, (2) meaningful engagement of local people throughout the mitigation process as a means to access social capital, (3) utilization of pre-disaster organizational networks, coalitions, and development of cooperative agreements to support rapid mobilization of emergency and continuing support services, (4) interventions designed to protect naturally occurring mutual social supports, and (5) creation of effective and trusted communications resources that will function in multiple situations. Each of these components is consistent with social work practice. Social work as a profession is committed to providing relief to vulnerable populations within many contexts. Within the disaster arena, social workers can assume multiple roles through which they might offer multi-level interventions to address the unmet needs of such groups. Increased access to disaster services can be achieved through a number of approaches. For example, in order to increase the capacity to provide effective disaster services social workers can offer culturally relevant training of volunteers (Zakour & Harrell, 2003). Because many social workers are involved in international relief services through organizations such as the Red Cross, training regarding the caste system and related service mechanisms is essential for work in India. Numerous factors unique to disaster impact individuals, families, and communities. The World Health Organization (2003) suggests that effective intervention requires careful planning with a thorough assessment of geographic setting, culture, the history and nature of problems in that locale, and residents' perceptions of difficulties and needs, community resources, and natural ways of coping. As advocates and mediators, social workers can work to develop a more coordinated effort among NGOs working in a similar geographic area that is grounded in a thorough needs assessment. Consistent with the social work commitment to social justice, social work professionals can advocate with government leaders to expand the parameters of services provided in order to reduce inequities in available resources to families. Improved inter-organizational relations, including collaborative planning, would also increase preparedness for future events (Zakour, 1996). Community cohesion can be supported through provision of resources that enable survivors to return to normal routines or provide training opportunities that empower and promote sustainable independence (Fairbank, Friedman, de Jong, Green, & Solomon, 2003). Encouraging community ownership of interventions can be achieved by involving all groups within the population in the identification of needs, along with the development and implementation of interventions culturally relevant within a particular community (Fairbank et al., 2003). Development of more cooperative linkages among services providers can enhance the distribution of resources. To do so effectively requires knowledge of the societal structures and stratifications that impact allocation and delivery of goods and services (Zakour & Harrell, 2003). In order to understand community resilience within the cultural context, we must consider the dynamic equilibrium present in specific co-existing groups and communities (Pooley, Cohen, & O'Connor, 2006). Future research is needed to more broadly examine cultural aspects of community resilience in the aftermath of disaster. Greater understanding of the influence of the cultural context of social stratification on both policy and implementation of resource provision in the aftermath of disaster could contribute to more effective planning by international NGOs who engage in relief work. Evaluation of the processes that support NGO collaboration in identifying and reaching agreement regarding the needs and issues within a given culture, as well as cooperative distribution of resources and culturally relevant services, would contribute to greater equity in resource distribution and better outcomes for those most vulnerable. Finally, the translation of knowledge gained through research to the practice arena is critical. Consideration of the research within the framework of Norris and colleagues' (2008) five critical components for community resilience could contribute to development of a strengths-focused curriculum for disaster service(s) providers. Such a curriculum would need to incorporate skills for cultural awareness and sensitivity to promote successful engagement of diverse leaders, organizations, and communities to reduce risk and resource inequities as well as develop culturally appropriate interventions. In addition, education needs to include an understanding of networking theory and how to develop collaborations utilizing local and international organizations that can support rapid mobilization of emergency and continuing support services and communications resources. 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Walsh, Strengthening family resilience (pp. 288-317). New York: Guilford Press. Wong, P.T.P., & Wong, L.C.J. (Eds.). (2006). Handbook of multicultural perspectives on stress and coping. New York: Springer. World Health Organization (WHO) (2003). Mental health in emergencies: Mental and social aspects of health of populations exposed to extreme stressors. Retrieved from www.who.int/disasters/repo/8656.pdf Zakour, M.J. (1996). Disaster research in social work. Journal of Social Service Research, 22(1/2), 7-25. Zakour, M.J., & Harrell, E.B. (2003). Access to disaster services: Social work interventions for vulnerable populations. Journal of Social Service Research, 30(2), 27-54. Leslie H. Wind, Ph.D, is a Clinical Associate Professor at the University of Southern California School of Social Work. Dr. Wind has worked with trauma survivors for over twenty years and established and directed the Massachusetts Coalition for Child and Family Disaster Mental Health Education and Research. She is affiliated with the Terrorism and Disaster Center of the National Child Traumatic Stress Network. Karen Kayser, Ph.D., is a Professor at Boston College Graduate School of Social Work. Her book publications include Helping Couples Cope with Women's Cancers: An Evidence-based Approach for Practitioners (with Dr. Jennifer Scott), Couples Coping with Stress: Emerging Perspectives on Dyadic Coping (edited with Dr. Tracey Revenson and Dr. Guy Bodenmann), and When Love Dies: The Process of Marital Disaffection. She teaches a course, Human Services in Developing Countries, which includes leading the students on a trip to India to study trauma, disaster relief, and human rights. Richard Shankar, Ph.D, is Professor Emeritus at Stonehill College. Dr. Shankar is co-author (with Dr. June Gary Hopps and Prof. Elaine Pinderhughes) of The Power to Care: Clinical Practice Effectiveness with Overwhelmed Clients. This work was supported by a Research Expense Grant from Boston College. We thank the students from the Boston College Graduate School of Social Work who interviewed participants and transcribed the interviews: Jen Connor, Laura Dunne, Ann Gillette, Christy Hensley, Kathleen Lovell, Justin Moeling, Ashley Napier, Allison Sandella, Sajjan Sharma, and Gloria Tower. We are also grateful to Fr. Paul Mike Raj from the South Asian People's Initiative who recruited the emergency responders for this study. |